Wednesday, May 2, 2012

Watts Towers


The Watts Towers
1727 East 107th St
Los Angeles, CA

Watts is a neighborhood typically associated with a strong African American presence however, Mexican Americans (and other Latin Americans) have always been an integral part of the community, as evidenced by the Watts Towers.

The Watts Riot began on August 11, 1965 when Marquette Frye, and African American resident, was pulled over on suspicion of drunk driving. A crowd gathered and observed what many believed was excessive force on the part of the arresting officers. When the police left the scene, neighborhood residents began throwing sticks and empty bottles at passing cars and the situation slowly escalated into a full-blown riot (Adam Matei, Sorin, and Sandra Ball-Rokeach 301). Stores and buildings were looted and burned and the national guard was eventually called in (Adam Matei, Sorin, and Sandra Ball-Rokeach 302).

According to historian Donna Murch “Whites owned nearly all of the business that demonstrators attacked, and tellingly, those with reputations for fair pricing and ties to the community stood untouched, as did the spiraling modernist Watts Towers that became synonymous with community pride, Black Power, and Black Arts” (Murch). Interestingly enough, not only is the real name for the Watts Towers “Nuestro Pueblo,” Spanish for “our town,” the neighborhood is currently roughly 60% Hispanic and about 40% black (Zabar).

Inside the Watts Towers. Photo by Andrew Lee, Daniel Villa and Cami Devoney.

At the time the towers were being built (from 1921-1954), the majority of the neighborhood residents were black, although there were also Mexican, Japanese, Italian, Jewish, and “those not welcome in other places” (Zabar). The sculptor of the Towers, Italian-American Simon Rodia, relied on contributions of broken dishes and cups from the community and according to Kai EL Zabar, one of the Watts Tower Arts Center experts, the reason that there has been no vandalism or destruction of the Towers is because Rodia respected the community and the community respected him (Zabar).

However, at present the Watts Towers are a point of disconnect between the art education (and therefore appreciation) of its visitors and that of the surrounding community. Currently, about 70% of visitors to the Watts Towers are international tourists and LACMA (whose visitors are 70-75% Angelinos) has begun bussing some of its museumgoers to the Watts Towers. Yet, in the midst of all this, the immediate community of Watts remains fairly ignorant to the piece of art and its historic significance (Zabar).

This discrepancy follows the historical pattern of disconnect between the education of Mexican-American (and other minority) communities in contrast to more wealthy, white communities. On March 3, 1968 over a thousand students at the predominantly Mexican-American Los Angeles school, Abraham Lincoln High School walked out of their classes in protest of “racist school policies and teachers” and the lack “classes on Mexican American history and culture” (Muñoz 64). Today, since the local schools have long ago removed art and art appreciation classes from the system, the Watts Towers Arts Center attempts to close the gap by encouraging—though not imposing—piano, acting, photography, and other art classes for those in the surrounding community who are interested (Zabar).


Simon Rodia, creator of the Watts Towers. Source: wattstowers.us

Directions: The Watts Towers are situated almost directly south of the USC campus in the Watts neighborhood

Works Cited

Adam Matei, Sorin, and Sandra Ball-Rokeach. "Watts, The 1965 Los Angeles Riots, And The Communicative Construction Of The Fear Epicenter Of Los Angeles." Communication Monographs 72.3 (2005): 301-323. Communication & Mass Media Complete. Web. 21 Apr. 2012.
Muñoz, Carlos. Youth, Identity, Power: The Chicano Movement. London: Verso, 2007.
Murch, Donna. "The Many Meanings of Watts: Black Power, Wattstax, and the Carceral State." Organization of American Historians Magazine of History 26.1 (2012): 37-40. Oxford Journals. Web. 21 Apr. 2012.
Zabar, Kai EL. Personal interview. 15 Apr. 2012.

Submitted by Cami Devoney, Daniel Villa and Andrew Lee

The Kesington House - Echo Park

Echo Park – The Kensington House
1098 W. Kensington Dr.
Los Angeles, CA 90011
In the turn of the 20th Century Echo Park would be the precursor of Hollywood, and it since has been the set location for various films and TV shows; however, Echo Park has always had a rich and controversial history that include white flight, gang violence, radicalism, and gentrification. The Kensington house serves as a symbolic metaphor of the community.


In Echo Park, where the Kensington House is located.
Echo Park’s history of radicalism can be traced to the early 1900s. When Ricardo Flores Magón and his brothers built the Edendale Commune on the border of Echo Park & Silver Lake. The Magón brothers led the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM). Until they were arrested in their commune and in prisoned. During the 50s the hills of Echo Park were called Red Hill, because many who were blacklisted lived there.
Two films that take place in Echo Park are “Mi Vida Loca”(1993), was about Chicano gangbangers and “La Quinceañera” (2006), was about young girl who wanted much more than what her family was capable of providing, for her quinceañera. She’s forced to grow up when she gets pregnant at the age of 14. These two issues, Gangbanging and teenage pregnancies, are stereotypes that are associated with inner city Mexican Americans.
Immigrants have made Echo Park their home creating ethnic enclave. The Lotus Festival, which celebrates Asian and Pacific Islander communities, and the Cuban Music Festival take place in Echo Park.
Spanish newspaper, La Opinion wrote an article titled “Un lugar para comenzar de nuevo: Echo Park; oportunidad para todos en una comunidad multicultural” which translates to “A place to start over: Echo Park; opportunity for everyone in a multicultural community.” In many ways that is what the house represented. Echo Park was 60% occupied by newly arrived immigrants, in 1997, mostly from Latin America as well as some overflow from poorer sections of Chinatown. (Klein) Now Echo Park has a 53.1% of foreign residents of those 41.3% are from Mexico and 15.2% are from El Salvador. (LATimes)
Gentrification is the phase that the community is currently on. It’s relevance stems from the economic power to erase the community that existed before. Historically, Americans have moved away from working-class and poor neighborhoods as soon as their economic situation allowed them to do so, and move into the suburbs. (Nevarez) Gentrification is the process of going back into the inner city’s displacing the members of the community that can no longer afford it, and forced to move into other neighborhoods that can be worse off.
Its upgrades are subtle, as the outside of the house doesn’t look like it has changed much, once a private home now a private gallery. (Kirkland)  Another community displaced, and the process will be replicated somewhere else.
Work Cited
Klein, Norman M. The History of Forgetting: Los Angeles and the Erasure of Memory. London: Verso, 1997. Print.
De, la C. "Un Lugar Para Comenzar De Nuevo: Echo Park; Oportunidad Para Todos En Una Comunidad Multicultural." La Opinión: 1B. Ethnic NewsWatch; Latin American Newsstand. Jul 29 1996. Web. 22 Apr. 2012 .
"Echo Park." Mapping L.A. Web. 22 Apr. 2012. <http://projects.latimes.com/mapping-la/neighborhoods/neighborhood/echo-park/>.
Kirkland, LeTania. "Make Way For Art: Historic Home Doubles as Modern Gallery - Echo Park-Silver-Lake, CA Patch." Echo Park-Silver Lake Patch. Http://echopark.patch.com/, 27 Jan. 2011. Web. 22 Apr. 2012. <http://echopark.patch.com/articles/make-way-for-art-historic-home-doubles-as-modern-gallery>.
Magon, Ricardo F., Charles Bufe, and Mitchell Cowen. Verter. Dreams of Freedom: A Ricardo Flores Magón Reader. Oakland, CA: AK, 2005. Print.
Nevarez, Leonard. "Gentrification." Encyclopedia of Community. Ed. . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2003. 544-48. SAGE Reference Online. Web. 22 Apr. 2012.
Phillips, Martin. "Gentrification." Encyclopedia of Geography. Ed. Barney Warf. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2010. 1203-09. SAGE Reference Online. Web. 22 Apr. 2012.
Submitted by Daniel Villa, Andrew Lee and Cami Devoney

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

Casa Del Mexicano

Photo Credit: Fabian S.
An abstract mural that wraps around all of the interior walls at Casa del Mexicano. Various images depict Chicano history while others depicts suffering in general, such as this image. 

Photo Credit: Fabian S.

This is an image of the current condition of Casa del Mexicano. It is surrounded by local homes that line up the street leading to the building. 

Location: Casa del Mexicano
Address: 2900 Calle Pedro Infante, Los Angeles, 90063
Directions: Take the I-10 E, Take Exit 13a for San Bernardino/Santa Ana, Merge onto I-10E/Santa Monica Fwy, Take Exit for 4th St, Right on Euclid, Right on Pedro Infante

Casa del Mexicano, tucked away in a small cul de sac in Boyle Heights, was once considered a mecca of Mexican culture in Los Angeles. It was established in 1904 as a Methodist Church which later became a synagogue and catered to the needs of the large Jewish population that inhabited Boyle Heights.  It wasn’t until 1931 that Casa del Mexicano came to be. Under the direction of the Mexican Consulate, Casa del Mexicano became Los Angeles’ first cultural centered catered to the needs of the Mexican community. In addition to providing services to the surrounding community and being a place where children could come and learn about Mexican history in order to familiarize themselves with their roots, Casa del Mexicano served as the premier location of Mexican culture in Los Angeles for many years. Dignitaries, actors and other important figures from Mexico and Spain could congregate in this building to enjoy beauty pageants, cultural exhibits and theatre displays. 

Casa del Mexicano was in essence “a sentinel of Mexican culture in Los Angeles” which drew everyone to visit it, including the President of Mexico during its days of glory. During the last few years, however, the Casa del Mexicano has fallen from what it once was and entered a period of decay. Renovation efforts have been led under the guidance of the Comite de Beneficiencia Mexicana, a non-profit organization. These include a revamping of the center’s programming available to the public, as well as a renovation of the location itself. One of the center’s most prominent additions is a mural which covers every inch of the center’s interior which was created by Teocatl, a Mexican muralist who has made the place his home while he works.
           
Management at Casa del Mexicano remains shaky nowadays. Most recently, the center was placed up for auction after accusations were made against its management. Advocates of the center’s preservation are seeking investors who will support the center, but the future of Casa del Mexicano remains unclear for now. (LA Times)

Submitted by: Ale C., Monica C., Fabian S.  

Sources
Bermudez, Esmeralda. “Auction of Landmark Casa del Mexicano is Delayed.” 26 February 2011. LA Times. http://articles.latimes.com/2011/feb/26/local/la-me-casa-del-mexicano-20110226

Bermudez, Esmeralda. “A Boyle Heights cultural landmark has a vivid past and an iffy future.” 15 February 2011. LA Times. http://articles.latimes.com/2011/feb/15/local/la-me-casa-del-mexicano-20110215

Bermudez, Esmeralda. “New Life for an Old Gem in Boyle Heights.” 31 July 2008. LA Times. http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-casa31-2008jul31,0,4789711.story




Estrada Courts

Photo Credit: Fabian S.
A mural of some of the most famous people in Mexican and Chicano history painted on one of the housing complexes within the Estrada Courts that exists today.

Location: Estrada Courts
Address: 3232 Estrada Street, Los Angeles, CA 90023
Directions: Take the I-10 E, Exit on Santa Fe Ave, Left on E Olympic Blvd, Left on San Grande Vista Ave, Right on Estrada Street.

The Estrada Courts housing projects in Boyle Heights were constructed near the end of 1941. A newspaper article from that time states they were originally designed for “one of the City Housing Authority’s 10 slum-clearance and low-rent dwelling projects” (LA Times) but were instead use to house the families of those who worked in the defense industries given the events happening at the time. In the 1970s the Estrada Courts gained popularity due to its murals. Chicano art had gained ground since the 1960s as a means to express the struggles of the Chicana/o community while promoting a sense of ethnic pride and political activism (Arreola 410). 

By 1973, the Estrada Courts boasted 39 murals with depictions ranging from Pre-Columbian history of the Americas to the militant activism of the Chicano movement. Near the end of the 20th century, however, this housing project had become a breeding ground for violence and gang activity, negatively impacting the quality of life the residents living in the area. Other housing projects impacted by the violence such as Aliso Village and Pico Gardens were demolished to pave the way for re-development projects, leaving many individuals homeless.

Efforts to renovate the area ensured rapidly. Organizations such as TELACU spearheaded investment programs which allowed individuals living in the Estrada Courts housing projects the opportunity to work for a fair wage and engage in the reconstruction of their homes. The people of Estrada Courts also established the Estrada Courts- Resident Management Corporation around that time with the goal of providing social services to the residents of the area as well as advocating for their needs. In recent years, efforts have been made to restore many of the murals which illuminate the walls of the housing projects throughout the Estrada Courts area. As of March 2012, the Mural Conservancy of Los Angeles was eyeing 13 of the 54 surviving murals for restoration due to their historical importance as landmarks of the Latina/o community of Los Angeles (KCET).

Submitted by: Ale C., Monica C., Fabian S.  


Sources

"Housing Project Ceremony Set." Los Angeles Times (1923-Current File): A6. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Los Angeles Times (1881-1988). Dec 07 1941. Web. 1 May 2012.

Arreola, Daniel D.  “Mexican American Exterior Murals.” Geographical Review, Vol. 74, No. 4 (Oct., 1984), pp. 409-424. American Geographical Society.http://www.jstor.org/stable/215024

Lincoln High School

Photo Credit: Ale C.
A mural on one of the main buildings at Abraham Lincoln High School that depicts Chicano history.  

Photo Credit: Ale C.
The plaza in front of the school that has recently been renamed Castro Courts at the request of the students.

Photo Credit: Ale C.
A display within the high school commemorating Cesar Chavez and the high schools political involvement/legacy.


Abraham Lincoln High School is located at 3501 N. Broadway Ave. in Los Angeles Califronia in the area known as Lincoln Heights. This high school was opened in 1878, however the present school was officially fully constructed in the 1940s. This site was chosen because there was so much history that the school had been a part of and so many generations of Mexican-Americans have received their education at that school.  On March 1, 1968, the students participated in the East LA walkouts or "blowouts" the largest and lengthiest in the history of California.  Over 10,000 students decided to take a stance and walkout of their schools, which resulted in thousands of students leaving their classrooms to join the protest for quality. Five East Los Angeles high schools coordinated to walkout on the same day at the same time during classes. Lincoln High school was one of the five East Los Angeles high schools that participated in the walkouts. The reason was the mistreatment at their schools and repression of their culture.  This lead to a riot and police involvement included violence on behalf of the law when the students were not acting in a violent matter.

One of the teachers that were a big part of the movement was Sal Castro. He was a teacher at Lincoln high school and was promoting the equality of Chicano students in the school system as well as encouraging students to achieve higher education. This was of high importance since about one third of the student body was Chicano. Sal Castro was supported by the Educational Issues Coordinating Committee (EDICC), which helped organize the students and other people in the community to help empower the Chicano people. Because Sal Castro was involved in the EDICC, he was displaced from teaching out of fear that he was influencing the students to rebel against the school. Regardless the students organized the walkouts as a form to seek equality. At the same time the students were protesting to get Castro’s teaching position back at Lincoln High School, which he did.

The current school, although there isn’t the same level of activism, still strives to teach the students not only the history of the school but the history of their community. The school is now divided into different schools that focus on different areas of teaching topics. Such schools include: Humanities school of Arts and Media, Math, Science, and Technology Magnet, & Victory Over Ignorance through Culture and Education amongst others. This gives the students the opportunity to belong to a community and feel that they belong. The Victory Over Ignorance through Culture and Education, the students focus more on culture, activism and Chicano Studies. Although Los Angeles Unified School District does not provide a structured curriculum for Chicano Studies, the teachers try their best to come up with their own curriculum to teach students the history of Chicanos, in their school and community.

There are also physical reminders of what happened on campus. One is the mural at the top of the school auditorium, which was painted by M.E.Ch.A at the time and demonstrates the history of the Chicano people. Although it is hard to distinguish what exactly is on the mural, it is a daily reminder of what had happened in the school. Additionally in 2011, the students gathered a petition to rename the entrance of the school Castro Courts, in honor of Sal Castro.

Submitted by: Ale C., Monica C., Fabian S.  

Sources
Bernal, Dolores Delgado (1998) Grassroots Leadership Reconceptualized: Chicana Oral Histories and the 1968 East Los Angeles School Blowouts. Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies , Vol. 19, No. 2, Varieties of Women's Oral History (1998), pp. 113-142

 López, Ian F. Haney (Nov., 2001). Protest, Repression, and Race: Legal Violence and the Chicano Movement, 205-244 University of Pennsylvania Law Review
Vol. 150, No. 1

 Rosen, (1973). The development of the Chicano movement in Los Angeles from 1967 to 1969. Aztlan, 4(1), 155.





Placita de Dolores – Bell of Dolores


Photo Taken By: Steph S. and Laylani D. 

Placita de Dolores – Bell of Dolores

Address Location: 125 Paseo De La Plaza # 400 Los Angeles, CA 90012
           
On September 16th, 1810, the Mexican revolution began with the country’s people, consisting of Mestizos, Mexican-born Spaniards, and others, declaring liberation from Spain. This day marked the beginning of Mexico’s history and represents the beginning of the country and its citizens’ journey toward freedom through resistance during the Mexican War of Independence (1810-1821). However, none of Mexico’s liberation could have been accomplished without the leadership of Miguel Hidalgo, a Catholic priest and commander of the revolution against the Spanish and the Royalist supporters. He ordered the church bells in Dolores, Guanajuato, to be rung at six o’clock in the afternoon on September 16th, 1810. The bell’s ringing signified the moment his followers were to gather and begin its revolt against Spain’s monarchy rule. This significant moment established the tradition of “El Grito.” Every year, to honor this day, the President of Mexico rings the bell in Mexico City and belches a cry representing his and his country’s patriotism and liberation.  
To commemorate the day of the beginning of the Mexican War of Independence, the Republic of Mexico gave a replica of the bell Hidalgo to the United States. The replica bell is located at the Placita de Dolores in Downtown Los Angeles. The bell’s presence in the Downtown area represents an important connection of Mexico and the United States. The monument not only connects the two countries together, but their citizens’ as well. For the millions of Mexicans and Mexican Americans within the Los Angeles and Southern California area, the presence of the bell provides a remainder of their country’s and their ancestor’s patriotism and heritage. However, the bell also represents the connection of Mexico to other non- Mexican Americans in the United States as well. Both countries fought for their independence against their ruling monarchies, the British and Spanish. Like the bell of Hidalgo, the United States has its own bell to represent its liberation, the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia. Like the liberators of Mexico, such as Miguel Hidalgo, America has the likes of George Washington and the other Founding Fathers as its liberators. After each country’s resistance and independence, their governments established a democracy that still reign today.
Submitted by: Steph S. Laylani D. 
Sources:

"Placita De Dolores, Olvera Street, Los Angeles." Public Art in Los Angeles and
Southern California/Cultural Los Angeles. Web. 24 Apr. 2012. <http://www.publicartinla.com/UnionStation/placita.html>.
"Mexican Independence." Texas A&M University. Web. 24 Apr. 2012.
<http://www.tamu.edu/faculty/ccbn/dewitt/mexicanrev.htm>.
“Eduardo Carillo: Father Hidalgo rang the bell of Dolores.” Los Angeles Murals. Web. 24
Apr. 2012.
<http://www.lamurals.org/MuralFiles/Downtown/FatherHidalgo.html>.

Chavez Ravine/ Dodger Stadium


Photo Taken By: Laylani D. and Steph S.
Photography By: Paul Prejza/ Source: University of Southern California Libraries.
This photo is an aerial view of Chavez Ravine, looking west, circa 1940. 




Chavez Ravine (Present Site: Dodger Stadium)

Address Location: 1000 Elysian Park Ave.  Los Angeles, California 90012


Chavez Ravine was named in honor of city Councilman Juan Chavez during the 1850s. The area first acted as a poor settler’s burial ground during the outbreaks of smallpox in 1850 and 1880. However, as local farms began being established within the region, with animals for the county being quarantined there, Mexican immigrants and other immigrant laborers unable to afford property settled in the region. By World War II, immigrants and other Americans established small houses throughout the ravine, along the hillsides, and into the valley. However, with the growing number of immigrants living within the area, many Anglo whites deemed the area to be “blemish” for the modern Los Angeles. While a majority of those who emigrated to Chavez Ravine were of Mexican descent, some families also derived from Italy and other parts of central Europe. Nearly 40% of those living in Chavez Ravine owned their homes with 1,400 of the residents being foreign born.
In the late 1940s, after World War II, the residents of Palo Verde, Bishop Canyon, and La Loma, the three communities collectively know as Chavez Ravine, discovered that through a housing project they would be compelled to relocate. Some of the families living in the ravine had lived there for generations with the community being home to over 1,000 families. Prior to the housing project, residents petitioned the city to improve their community, with the installment of streetlights, pave streets, and public transportation. Such additions added to the community’s success of becoming a multigenerational Mexican barrio. Local children and juveniles attended schools at a higher rate and crime within their youth decreased. All of the residents’ attempts to build their community ended when the city declared Chavez Ravine to be “a blighted area.” The Los Angles city administration took advantage of the 1949 Housing Act, in which it applied for over 100 million dollars in federal funding to construct 10,000 units of “low rent public housing” located in 11 different sites throughout the city. Chavez Ravine was one of the sites selected. 

                                                     
Photograph By: Hugh Arnott/ Source: Los Angeles Times
May 8, 1959: Los Angeles County Sheriff’s physically remove Aurora Vargas. Her family refused to relocate from their home located in Chavez Ravine.

                                                               
Mexican American residents of Chavez Ravine knew that while the city would build low rent public housing, they would be excluded from such units. With residential segregation, insufficient affordable housing, and the prohibiting of Mexican Americans from housing developments, it would be nearly impossible for residents to find new homes. Residents of Chavez Ravine thus protested the housing project with the City Center District Improvement Association (CCDIA), a community organization of Chavez Ravine, acting as the resident’s defenders to keep their homes. However, in the end, residents left, either “voluntarily” or forcibly (as seen in photo above). While some families remained to fight the battle, local police physically removed the last family in May 1959. The residents’ actions to protest against the violation of Mexican Americans’ civil rights became known as the battle of Chavez Ravine, a symbol of Latino activism. Los Angeles sold the land of what was Chavez Ravine to the Brooklyn Dodgers, thus becoming the site of what is now Dodger stadium.

Photograph By: Hugh Arnott/ Source: Los Angeles Times
May 13, 1959: Victoria Angustian stands above her infant son Ira, as her oldest daughter, Ivy, sweeps the steps to their trailer home. Her family, consisting of three generations, including her husband Manuel Angustian and family matriarch Avrana Arechiga (seated), live in the trailer home after bulldozers destroyed their Chavez Ravine home.


For additional photos of the Chavez Ravine evictions, please visit Los Angeles Times Photography Framework at http://framework.latimes.com/2012/04/04/chavez-ravine-evictions/#/0.

                                                                          
Submitted by: Steph S. and Laylani De La Vega

Sources:

Becerra, Hector. “Decades later, bitter memories of Chavez Ravine.” Los Angeles Times.

López, Ronald W. “Community resistance and conditional patriotism in cold war Los
Angeles; The battle for Chavez Ravine.” Latino Studies 7.4, Winter 2009: 457-479.

Los Angeles Times.

Obregón Pagán, Eduardo. “Los Angeles Geopolitics and the Zoot Suit Riot, 1943.” Social
Science History 24.1, 2000: 223-256.

University of Southern California Libraries.
http://digitallibrary.usc.edu/search/controller/view/chs-m2270.html?x=1335909008738.